Six Hours In Seoul: A Martial Law Meltdown
If you slept through it, you missed it
It’s difficult to illustrate just how wild the past several hours have been for South Korea and the country’s politics. I fell asleep at 10 p.m. Hong Kong time and woke up at 4 a.m. when I began reading the news and typing this piece. Between these couple of hours, South Korea has gone through a declaration of martial law, a unanimous decision by the National Assembly to repeal it, before the country’s president backed down.
For many South Koreans, it was a grim reminder of the country’s dictatorial past, as it moved away from the memories of the Third Republic of Korea and the brutal regime under Park Chung Hee. International observers were also deeply concerned whether we were seeing a replay of Myannmar’s coup back in 2021, which led to a bloody military dictatorship and guerrilla warfare efforts by young men and women in the country.
South Korea’s constitution states that the president can declare martial law under Article 77, noting it should be done to “cope with a military necessity or to maintain the public safety and order by mobilization of the military forces in time of war, armed conflict or similar national emergency.” At the same time, the country’s legislature can overturn the decision by a majority vote.
Before we dive into what happened, we also need a quick briefing on President Yoon Suk Yeol. Elected in 2022 by a narrow margin, Yoon ran on a conservative platform with a background of hawkish rhetoric against North Korea, drastically different from his predecessor Moon Jae-in. After he came into office, he executed several drastic moves that gained criticism. Yoon relocated from Seoul’s historic Blue House in a costly move with minimal public support, while earlier this year, the country was rocked by strikes where thousands of medical staff, including junior doctors, fought against the government’s efforts to significantly increase the number of medical school admissions. Under the radar of most international observers, Yoon clamped down on speech through lawsuits, state regulators, and criminal investigations. Police and prosecutors have repeatedly used raids to target the homes and newsrooms of journalists which the government deemed as “fake news.”
Yoon has become more divisive and unpopular in recent years, his government’s response to response to a deadly crowd crush in Seoul during Halloween back in 2022 has garnered heavy criticism. Meanwhile, Yoon’s wife Kim Keon Hee was in hot water earlier this year, as news of spy cam footage showing accepting a $2,200 Dior pouch as a gift. Not to mention, there are allegations of stock price manipulation schemes before Yoon’s victory in 2022, which have dogged the first family in recent months.
After facing a crushing defeat in April’s legislative elections, and enjoying a “sky-high” approval rating of 17%, Yoon is not in a good spot politically as he is in limbo between vetoing bills and being unable to stop a budget bill that he has no power to veto over.
Rumors of potential martial law have been circulating in South Korean political circles in recent months, despite Yoon’s People Power Party pushing back on such rumors. Back in September, Yoon’s ally Han Dong-hoon publicly accused the opposition leader of the Democratic Party, Lee Jae-myung, of spreading “conspiracy theories” about impending martial law. Analysts have been largely dismissive of a potential martial law, believing the country has changed and would not go back. Wang Son-taek, who is an adjunct professor at Sogang University and a former journalist, wrote in September that “In a high-level democracy like South Korea, could a president realistically pursue martial law, which is tantamount to a palace coup? Simply put, it is almost impossible.”
This brings us back to late Tuesday night when Yoon made a sudden unannounced TV address, marking the first time martial law was invoked by a sitting president since the military dictatorship ended in the country in the late 1980s. To justify his sudden martial law announcement, the South Korean leader pointed the blame to “the threats of North Korea’s communist forces” before accusing the opposition of plotting an “insurgency” and “trying to overthrow the free democracy” of South Korea. In a jibe at the National Assembly, Yoon claimed that martial law was done “to protect the constitutional order based on freedom and eradicate shameful pro-North Korea anti-state groups, that are stealing freedom and happiness of our people.” Yoon provided no explanation or specific evidence of “anti-state activities” by the opposition “plotting rebellion,” with the vague statement prompting fears of the heavy-handed tactics conducted by South Korean dictatorships decades ago.
Yoon’s address was quickly followed by a proclamation from Martial Law Commander General Park Ahn-soo, who introduced restrictions that curbed much of South Korea’s vibrant civil liberties and political rights. Park announced a ban on all political activities, all media and publications subject to Martial Law command, medical workers were required to return to work within 48 hours, strikes were suddenly forbidden, and any violations would be subject to “arrest, detention, and search and seizure without a warrant under Article 9 of the Martial Law Act.”
Immediately, chaos and fear. Troops surrounded South Korea's parliament overnight and set up barricades after Yoon’s declaration, barely after everyone started having questions about the martial law announcement. People on social media were blind-sighted by the announcement, as some were confused about whether it was a deepfake or a real-life event. The Economist quoted a source in the presidential office, who said “This is the sole decision by the commander in chief. It was a huge surprise to most of the staff here, and the cabinet members as well.” Outside of South Korea, the Biden administration was “in contact with the R.O.K. government and is monitoring the situation closely as we work to learn more.”
Lee Jae-myung, who also heads South Korea’s main opposition party and the country’s parliament, ordered lawmakers to the building. Lee called Yoon’s announcement “illegal and unconstitutional,” while even Han Dong-hoon, the head of Yoon’s People’s Power Party, called the move “wrong” and vowed to “stop it with the people.” Outside the National Assembly building, crowds of protestors defied the martial law’s orders chanting “End Martial Law,” some tried to enter the building as police officers tried to block them.
Within hours of Yoon’s announcement, 190 out of the 300 National Assembly members were present in this emergency late-night session to vote on whether to support or block the martial law declaration. All 190 members, regardless of party, voted to block the move. After some sighs of relief on the street, protestors began chanting “Let’s impeach Yoon Suk Yeol” while others jumped in celebration. By 4 a.m. in South Korea, Yoon Suk Yeol said he would lift the martial law declaration, backing down after a stunning rebuke by the country’s legislature and pressure from its citizens.
Even as Yoon backed down from pressure, discontent from the public and the political sphere remained. Han apologized to the public and urged the South Korean president to explain his “tragic” decision, adding “The minister of defense, who recommended this martial law, should be immediately dismissed, and all those responsible must be held strictly accountable.” Meanwhile, the floor leader of South Korea’s opposition Democratic Party Park Chan-dae was already calling for Yoon to “step down immediately.” Among other reactions, one protestor told The Economist “It feels like Yoon just got drunk and suddenly announced this late at night. It makes no sense.”
What comes next? As the sun rises on South Korea, the country grapples with a deep constitutional crisis unlike anything the country’s vibrant democracy has seen before. Maybe as respite, the good news is that South Korea’s democracy is still standing, and more resilient than ever. Despite a desperate last-minute attempt by a lame-duck president to install martial law in a bid to gain power, he failed. The checks and balances by democratic institutions in South Korea have held, with bipartisan support.
As for Yoon, his martial law attempt first constructed to save his administration has collapsed in the most dramatic way possible. Instead of maintaining power, he has a more likely chance of losing it. At the time of writing, no formal impeachment move was made by the National Assembly. Even if Yoon did not resign in disgrace in the following hours or days, don’t expect South Korea to go along with it. South Korea has a notable history of impeaching and convicting former presidents, most recently Park Geun-hye back in 2016 to 2018, who was impeached and sentenced to 24 years in prison over abuse of power and coercion charges.
Expect mass demonstrations in the streets of South Korea in the following hours, expressing mass concern over the health of the country’s democracy, and demanding the resignation or impeachment of Yoon himself. Within the National Assembly, it is likely impeachment proposals were drafted or even proceeded as you read this story, and this time there is likely support from both the opposition and members of Yoon’s party if the unity against the sitting government holds. After a doomed impeachment and the potential removal of Yoon, South Korea would likely kick off an election in 2025 to replace the disgraced leader.
More questions and problems loom in South Korea’s future, but ending with a prophetic quote from Bloomberg from two years ago, “South Korean presidents have a history of leaving office under a cloud.” For Yoon, he is quickly experiencing that fate.